Panel participation On the Safe-haven Status of the US Dollar

The phrase ‘safe haven’ – or safe harbour in Old Norse – conjures up images of a peaceful idyll, far from the wilds of the open seas, furnishing comfort and replenishment for the weary sailor. But the reality can be rather different – as Captain Cook found when, heading home at the end of his famous voyage in 1770, he grounded his ship HMS Endeavour on the Great Barrier Reef (Slide 2).1 In mortal danger, the crew found a promising river estuary – known as Waalumbaal Birri by the local Guugu Yimidhirr people – in which to conduct repairs. But the winds were so fierce, and the water so crocodile-infested, that it took them another week to stagger far enough inland to beach their leaking boat on a mudbank.2

Defining a safe haven asset can be equally challenging.

Market participants typically identify three main characteristics of such assets (Slide 3): security (minimal credit risk); an inverse correlation with the value of risky assets; and liquidity. Those characteristics are said to flow, in turn, from a raft of more fundamental drivers including: economic stability; strong institutions; open markets for goods, services and capital; and deep financial markets.3

The relative weight placed on these considerations varies across time, and by investor mandate. But if anything could have been said to meet these tests in recent decades, it is surely the US dollar. Whether that status may now be under threat is a topic of lively discussion, in Australia and beyond. But what does the evidence show?

Let’s start with security – something all investors need (Graph 1). The cost of insuring against a US default did pick up either side of ‘Liberation Day’ in April 2025, and again to a lesser degree around the government shutdown. Moody’s also cut their US credit rating from AAA in May 2025. But this only brought them into line with other rating agencies4 – and sovereign CDS spreads, though an imperfect proxy, have since fallen back to their longer term average. So there is little sign yet of a persistent decline in perceived security.

Graph 1
Graph 1.A graph of US sovereign credit default swaps from September 2024 to present. The yield shows a large spike above its long-run average in the June quarter of 2025, following the Liberation Day events.

The dollar’s hedging properties matter most to return-seeking investors. The US dollar has obviously not played what some claim to be its ‘usual’ role in key periods over the past 12–18 months – depreciating, rather than appreciating, in the face of widespread uncertainty over US policy, and a sharp fall in equity prices last April.

But in truth, the dollar has never been a perfect hedge for all risk-off events, appreciating most persistently during periods of funding stress associated with strong demand for the currency (Graph 2 and Table 1).5 As such, fund managers have long understood that the optimal currency hedge for US equity holdings switches frequently between dollar, yen, Swiss franc and other currencies, depending on the shock (Graph 3).6 So while the events of 2025 could be a sign that things have changed, what we saw was far from unique. It is surely noteworthy that the dollar did appreciate following the recent attacks on Iran.

Graph 2
Graph 2. A two-panel line graph of the US dollar index and the S&P 500 between 2001 and 2026. The graph is shaded where a “safe-haven” shock affected the value of the two indices: for the GFC, the Euro crisis, Covid, and the Ukraine war the US dollar appreciated as the S&P 500 depreciated; while for the Iraq war, 9/11, and the April 25 tariffs the US dollar depreciated with the S&P 500.
Table 1: US dollar safe-haven correlations
Event USD as a safe-haven hedge
Great Financial Crisis (2008-2009) Yes
European sovereign debt crisis (2011) Yes
COVID-19 (March 2020) Yes
Russia-Ukraine war (2022) Yes
Iraq war (2003) No
September 11 attacks (2001) No
April 2025 tariff announcements No
Graph 3
Graph 3. A single panel graph from 2000 to 2026, coloured for each day corresponding to the currency which displayed the lowest 60-day rolling correlation with US equities. This currency changes frequently but is most often the Japanese yen, Swiss franc, or US dollar.

The feature that matters most for many, including us central bank reserves managers, is liquidity. The pre-eminent role of the US dollar in cross-border payments and invoicing, banking claims and debt issuance7 has long allowed US sovereign assets to command a liquidity premium (or ‘convenience yield’). On some measures, that ‘specialness’ deteriorated in 2025 compared with earlier years, leading some commentators to make the eye-catching claim that it may presage the end of the dollar as a reserve currency.8

Here too it is worth keeping our feet on the ground. The convenience yield is a slippery concept to measure – but neither of the proxies shown on Graph 4 suggest anything particularly dramatic happened last year relative to the longer term trends, which had been suggesting a declining ‘specialness’ for some years. Nonetheless, as a matter of sheer scale, US fx and treasuries remain by far the most liquid of the ‘traditional’ safe haven markets (Graph 5). The covid experience caused some to pose questions about the capacity of the US treasury market to trade efficiently through periods of extreme stress.9 But the market weathered recent turbulence well, bolstered by confidence in the growing array of liquidity tools available from the Federal Reserve, including the Standing Repo Facility, the Discount Window, the Foreign and International Monetary Authorities (FIMA) repo facility and the standing swap lines.

Graph 4
Graph 4. A single panel line graph of the Euro/USD basis and the Treasury-OIS spread between 2021 and 2026. The Euro/USD basis has become less negative since 2021 and approached zero, while the Treasury-OIS spread has increased 20 basis points since 2021. Both of these indicate a decreasing desirability of the US dollar and US treasuries.
Graph 5
Graph 5. A single panel bar chart of the average daily turnover of the markets for Gold, Japanese government bonds, the Swiss franc, the Japanese yen, US treasuries, and the US dollar. US treasuries and the US dollar have a far higher turnover than the other “safe haven” assets, indicating greater liquidity.

Having summarised how the dollar’s safe haven characteristics have (or haven’t) changed, let’s look now at how market participants have responded.

In aggregate, official reserves have diversified away from the US dollar, principally towards gold and ‘non-traditional’ currencies, according to International Monetary Fund (IMF) data (Graph 6).10 And reserve managers told last year’s OMFIF survey that that diversification could go further in the near term (Table 2), reporting geopolitics to be their top long-term investment challenge.11

Graph 6
Graph 6. A single panel line chart of the share of currencies in allocated official reserves since 1989. The US dollar increased from 55% to 70% over the 1990s and has steadily fallen back to 55% since 2000. The share of Gold at market value is also displayed, which has increased rapidly over the last 5 years.
Table 2: OMFIF survey: reserve managers' plan for currency exposure*
% of respondents Increase Maintain Decrease
EUR 23 +6 70 −3 7 −3
RMB 20 +7 73 −2 7 −5
JPY 11 +8 88 −2 2 −5
AUD 9 +6 89 −6 2 0
CAD 7 +7 91 −9 2 +2
GBP 13 +8 79 −9 8 +1
USD 20 −9 64 +4 16 +5
CHF 4 +4 95 −3 2 0

* Over the next 12–24 months; brackets indicate change from last survey.

Source: Sanghani, N, A Sharan, A Correa and Y Aziz (2025), Global Public Investors Survey, OMFIF.

But once again these are pretty glacial moves (Slide 11). The dollar remains close to half of all reserves, similar to, or even a little higher, than in the early 1990s. Reserves managers still identify it as by far the safest and most liquid of the major currencies, according to the OMFIF survey. And there are a whole range of drivers behind the aggregate decline that do not reflect investment-based decisions to diversify out of dollars, including: growth in reserves pools that are structurally biased towards other currencies; decisions by some countries to shift part of their reserves pools to sovereign wealth funds, state or policy banks; a forced response to sanctions; and valuation effects.12 An unknown amount of non-US dollar currency holdings may also be swapped back to dollars.

Indeed, despite all the press stories and commentary about foreigners withdrawing capital from the United States and seeking alternative homes elsewhere (including Australia), the data show that they remain large buyers of US assets in net terms (Graph 7). Meanwhile, capital flows into Australia have so far remained broadly similar to those seen in earlier years. (Graph 8)

Graph 7
Graph 7. A single panel bar chart of the net buying of US portfolio assets since 2023. Foreigners have continued to purchase on net both US debt and US equity over 2025.
Graph 8
Graph 8. A single panel bar chart of foreign investment in Australia. Foreign investment in both Australian debt and equity has remained broadly stable over 2024 and 2025.

There has been one important change, however. Predominantly all the pick-up in portfolio capital inflows into the United States over the past year reflects purchases of equity rather than debt (Graph 9). And the huge valuation gains in US equity prices relative to debt in recent years have dramatically changed the composition of US external liabilities, expressed as a share of nominal GDP (Graph 10).

Graph 9
Graph 9. A single panel bar chart of the rolling 12-month sum of net purchases of US portfolio assets since 2013. Over 2025, net equity purchases have formed a larger proportion of capital inflows to the US, while net debt inflows have remained steady.
Graph 10
Graph 10. A single panel area chart of the foreign holding of US portfolio assets as a proportion of US nominal GDP. The value of non-equity assets held by foreigners has remained broadly constant since 2010, while increases in the valuation of equity assets has contributed to a striking rise in the value of equity assets held by foreigners.

This shift towards equity has at least two important implications.

First, it means foreign investors, particularly in the private sector, may be keener to protect themselves against signs of possible breakdown in what (rightly or wrongly) they see as the dollar’s historical risk-off properties. It is hard to know how far this has so far gone, because comprehensive data are not available. But some countries’ pension funds, including in Denmark – the country of my fellow panellist – have reported increasing their hedge ratios in 2025. Even Australian superannuation funds (which have historically relied heavily on the Australian dollar’s inherent risk-on properties) have increased their cover very slightly (Graph 11), with some funds saying they are likely to go further.13 In as well-reported analytical piece, Deutsche Bank identified a parallel pivot from unhedged to hedged ETF inflows in 2025.14 Ironically, of course, the very act of increasing hedges may have played some part in driving the dollar down at times last year.15

Graph 11
Graph 11. A single panel line chart of the international asset share and listed equity hedge ratio of Australian superannuation funds since 2013. The international asset share has steadily increased over that time, while the listed equity hedge ratio increased between 2013 and 2015 and has declined since; however, it has shown a moderate pickup over 2025.

Second, the shift to equity suggests at least the possibility that we might be moving on from the world of ‘exorbitant privilege’, in which the United States was able to run a persistent current account deficit without running up a particularly large negative Net International Investment Position (NIIP). The valuation differentials that enabled this – short low-yielding domestic debt, long high-yielding overseas equities16 – have more recently run into reverse, contributing to a significant fall in the US NIIP (Graph 12).17 Whether NIIP is a robust indicator of a currency’s safe haven status is of course a hotly debated topic.18 But the role of the dollar and the future path of this variable seem likely to remain intimately linked.

Graph 12
Graph 12. A single panel scatter plot of several countries’ net international investment position (NIIP) as a proportion of GDP (on the x axis) and their currency’s correlation with US equities (on the y-axis), as a long-run average. AUD and NZD show a long-run negative NIIP and a positive correlation with US equities, while JPY and CHF show a positive NIIP and a negative correlation with US equities. The path of this measure for the US dollar is shown; it began with a 0 NIIP and a 0 correlation with equities; the long-run average has since migrated to a negative NIIP and negative correlation, away from the other currencies. The latest value for the USD is also shown, as a negative NIIP and 0 correlation.

Before closing, I want to leave you with two reflections from the United Kingdom, my country of birth.

The first is that even a temporary collapse in confidence in a safe haven asset, if significant in size, can leave lasting scars. In October 2022, the Bank of England was able to staunch a run on gilts caused by weaknesses in the business models of the Liability-Driven Investment (LDI) sector through a temporary and targeted liquidity intervention. But the cost of this crisis was a borrowing cost premium that arguably persists to this day (Graph 13).

Graph 13
Graph 13. The 10-year sovereign bond yield of the United Kingdom against a light-grey swathe representing the range of 10-year sovereign yields for the rest of the G7, between 2020 and 2026. While before 2022 the UK long-run yields were in the middle of the swathe, they have since become the highest yields in the G7.

The second is more of a reflection on time. For a century, or thereabouts, the pound sterling was the dominant global currency (Graph 14).19 It is often thought that the dollar took over decisively following the Second World War, as an impoverished United Kingdom passed the mantle to a resurgent United States at Bretton Woods. But as Barry Eichengreen has reminded us, the truth is messier: the dollar first overtook sterling as the leading reserve currency in the mid-1920s, but it lost that status again following the devaluation of 1933. For much of the inter-war period, the two vied for supremacy – and gold too played a key, if not always helpful, role.20 The lesson of this period, if there is one, is that change may come, not with a bang, but by degree, and with switchbacks along the way. None of the developments I have covered today – the temporary fluctuations in default probability, the shifts in correlations, the decline in the convenience yield, the shift in official reserves, or the patchy pick-up in hedging – are anything like as dramatic as some of the headlines would imply. But whether, like Captain Cook’s quest for safe harbour, they lead us ultimately back to safety, or leave us stuck on the Barrier Reef, remains to be seen.

Graph 14
Graph 14. A 100% stacked bar plot showing the share of international monetary dominance of several currencies between 1820 and 2019. The British Pound holds the largest share until 1920, where the US dollar briefly dominated alongside the French Franc in the 1920s and 1930s. Since 1945, the US dollar is assigned the largest share of monetary dominance.

With that, I look forward to our discussions today.

Endnotes

* I am deeply grateful to George Tyler for his expert assistance in preparing these remarks, the slides and the analysis that underpins them. I also thank Susan Black, Jason Griffin, Jacob Harris, Jarkko Jaaskela, David Jacobs, Brad Jones, Jeremy Lawson, Jahan Mand, Tom van Florenstein Mulder and Morgan Spearritt for their comments and suggestions on an earlier draft.

1 References are to the accompanying slide pack.

2 See, for instance, ‘Captain Cook’s Epic Voyage: The Strange Quest for a Missing Continent’ by Geoffrey Blainey. The image of HMS Endeavour on Slide 2 is from National Museum of Australia, ‘A view of the Endeavour River on the coast of New Holland, by Ignaz Sebastian Klauber, 1795’, Australia’s Defining Moments Digital Classroom.

3 Although these foundations may seem somewhat obvious, researchers have struggled to find reliable empirical evidence to support them. One of the few that does appears to be a country’s net overseas asset position, a point I return to at the end of these remarks.

4 S&P cut from AAA in 2011, and Fitch in 2023.

5 Adolfsen JF, AM Grønlund and T Harr (2026), ‘The US Dollar: Not a Traditional Safe Haven’, CEPR, 29 January

6 I am grateful to Stuart Simmons, head of Multi-Asset Solutions at Australia’s QIC, for the idea behind this ‘quilt’.

7 See Bertaut C, B von Beschwitz and S Curcuru (2025), ‘The International Role of the U.S. Dollar – 2025 Edition’, FEDS Notes, 18 July.

8 See, for instance, Jiang Z, A Krishnamurthy, H Lustig and RJ Richmond (2026), ‘Dollar Erosion: Understanding the Loss of Reserve Currency Status’, 12 January; Atkeson A, J Heathcote and F Perri (2025), ‘The End of Privilege: A Reexamination of the Net Foreign Asset Position of the United States’, American Economic Review, 115(7), pp 2151–2206; Acharya VV and Laarits T (2025), ‘Tariff War Shock and the Convenience Yield of US Treasuries – A Hedging Perspective’, December; Du W, R Keerati and J Schreger (2025), ‘Decoupling Dollar and Treasury Privilege’, October.

9 See, for instance, Group of Thirty (2021), ‘U.S. Treasury Markets: Steps Toward Increased Resilience’, Working Group on Treasury Market Liquidity; Duffie D (2025), ‘How US Treasuries Can Remain the World’s Safe Haven’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 39(2), pp 195–214; Liang N and H Zhu (2026), ‘Clearing the Path for Treasury Market Resilience’, Brookings, 17 February; Kashyap AK, JC Stein, JL Wallen and J Younger (2025), ‘Treasury Market Dysfunction and the Role of the Central Bank’, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, BPEA Conference Draft, 27–28 March.

10 IMF Data (2026), ‘Currency Composition of Official Foreign Exchange Reserves (COFER)’.

11 Sanghani N (2025), ‘Central Banks Turn to Gold over the Dollar’, OMFIF, 24 June.

12 For a fuller discussion of these trends, see Goldberg LS and O Hannaoui (2026), ‘Drivers of Dollar Share in Foreign Exchange Reserves’, NBER Working Paper 34888; Arslanalp S, B Eichengreen and C Simpson-Bell (2024), ‘Dollar Dominance in the International Reserve System: An Update’, IMF Blog, 11 June; Arslanalp S, B Eichengreen, and C Simpson-Bell (2022), ‘The Stealth Erosion of Dollar Dominance: Active Diversifiers and the Rise of Nontraditional Reserve Currencies’, IMF, WP/22/58, March; Douglass P, LS Goldberg and OZ Hannaoui (2024), ‘Taking Stock: Dollar Assets, Gold, and Official Foreign Exchange Reserves’, Liberty Street Economics, 29 May; European Central Bank (2025), ‘The International Role of the Euro’; Bertaut et al, n 7; Setser BW (2023), ‘China Isn’t Shifting Away From the Dollar or Dollar Bonds’, Council on Foreign Relations, 3 October.

13 Murdoch S (2026), ‘Major Australian Pension Fund Trimming US Dollar Exposure on Weakening Outlook’, Reuters, 20 January. For more on this topic, see Hauser A (2025), ‘A Hedge Between Keeps Friendship Green: Could Global Fragmentation Change the Way Australian Investors Think About Currency Risk?’, Remarks for a function hosted by CLS Bank International and NAB, Sydney, 16 September.

14 Smith I and E Herbert, (2025), ‘Foreign Investors in US Assets Rush for Protection Against Swings in Dollar’, Financial Times, 16 September.

15 Shin HS, P Wooldridge and D Xia (2025), ‘US dollar’s Slide in April 2025: The Role of FX Hedging’, BIS Bulletin, No 105.

16 Famously described in Gourinchas P-O and H Rey (2014), ‘External Adjustment, Global Imbalances, Valuation Effects’, in Gopinath G, E Helpman and K Rogoff (eds), Handbook of International Economics, vol 4, North Holland, pp 585–645.

17 See Atkeson et al, n 8 for a description of this shift. I am grateful to Lachlan Dynan (Deutsche Bank) for the idea for the chart on Slide 15.

18 One paper arguing in favour is Habib MM and L Stracca (2011), ‘Getting Beyond Carry Trade: What Makes a Safe Haven Currency?’, ECB Working Paper Series No 1288.

19 See Vicquéry R (2022), ‘The Rise and Fall of Global Currencies over Two Centuries’, Banque de France Working Paper Series No 882.

20 For a detailed discussion of this period, see Eichengreen B and M Flandreau (2008), ‘The Rise and Fall of the Dollar, or When did the Dollar Replace Sterling as the Leading Reserve Currency?’.